Miami, Florida, November 20, 2003: Trade negotiators from Canada to Argentina had gathered to put the finishing touches--or so they hoped--on the Free Trade Area of the Americas agreement. A huge crowd of ordinary citizens from the affected countries, including me, had also gathered, to oppose the corporate style of globalization that the proposed treaty represented. And keeping the two groups apart, an enormous and heavily armed police force had completely closed downtown Miami.

By legal permit, our large march and rally could go on until 4:00 p.m. At 4:15 the police decided that enough was enough, and began a sweep to force thousands of peaceful protesters off the streets. Firing tear gas and pellets, they advanced on the colorful, jubilant crowd of trade unionists, environmentalists, immigrant rights activists, students and religious leaders. A few protesters tried to slow the police advance by hauling improvised barricades into their path, but the large crowd generally fell back, fearful of the black-suited, shielded, gun-wielding army that had been commanding our movements all day long. Some protesters began to shout and run. It was an unnecessary and dangerous confrontation.

A group of people who obviously knew each other linked hands and walked slowly away from the police. They chanted in a low, soothing tone. Fanning out across the street, they made a stately moving barricade of their bodies, so that protesters who feared the police could get in front of them. They calmed people around them, and others (including me) joined their procession and their chant.

Practicing for Conflict
I suspect that the chanters belonged to an affinity group, and that they had been through some kind of nonviolence training. Nonviolence training has been used for at least 60 years to prepare people to stand up for their beliefs with courage, dignity, humor and creativity. Mahatma Gandhi originated nonviolence training for his most disciplined core of followers. A Methodist missionary to India, James Lawson, observed this and returned to the U.S. to develop workshops in nonviolence for his fellow African-Americans who were challenging legal segregation. Since that time, training has become a requirement before many nonviolent direct actions.

In Miami I helped provide that training. This is something I've been doing for upwards of 20 years. On that occasion my workshops ran for about three hours--a short amount of time, really, for such a huge subject--and concentrated on the most practical and immediate concerns.

We began with a guided meditation that left us feeling centered, calm and determined, knowing that we stood firmly on the side of justice and ecological balance. I encouraged protesters to use the same visualization during the action, if they needed to. We then went on to explore our reactions to common conflicts in demonstrations--hecklers, opponents and undercover police agents (who might try to provoke us into rash or violent actions). I asked some participants to role-play the attackers or hasslers, and other participants to play themselves. After a short exchange we "unpacked" the exercise, to see what behaviors threw the opponents off balance and de-escalated the conflict. Then we reversed roles, so that everyone had a chance to experience both sides. The simple act of role-playing someone we disagree with for five minutes often builds our empathy for those people--and that certainly comes in handy when we meet an opponent in the flesh.

We practiced specific moves to resist police pressure and crowd dispersal tactics, and I explained the trade-offs between being arrested and trying to avoid arrest. Many direct actions rely on civil disobedience for their effectiveness, but in the global justice movement people often decide that they can better advance the cause if they are not caught up in the legal system.

Finally, we explored the importance of affinity groups in nonviolent direct action. These small groups (usually 10 or fewer people) gather because they have something in common--an affinity--and stay together during the action. They may plan an activity such as street theater, or blockading a street intersection, or attempting to deliver a petition to a person in authority. They may simply look out for one another in a very large crowd. If any member of the group is arrested--by accident or by design--the others make sure that person has legal advice and medical attention, and reassure that person's family and friends at home.

Understanding the Issues
In preparing for other demonstrations, I might explore issues around property destruction (Is it violent or not? Is it effective or not?). In Miami this debate didn't figure prominently, because everyone agreed that property destruction would only play into the hands of our opponents, who were already trying to discredit us as terrorists and anarchists.

Before and after the big public march were days of workshops and discussions about global trade. This has been the case at all the globalization actions I've attended, and in some ways I believe these discussions are the most important part of the "globalization mobilizations." Farmers from the global North and global South compare notes. Unemployed auto workers from the U.S. talk with workers who now make autos in maquiladoras. Women form networks against the sex trade. People gather for the public protests, and the dialogues around them shape and inform the movement for years.

In Miami, for the first time, trade representatives who had been working on the draft agreement came out from their heavily guarded hotel to report to the protesters in a nearby church. They represented Argentina, Brazil and Venezuela, and were opposing provisions that favored wealthy and powerful U.S.-based corporations in favor of provisions that benefited the majority of their own people. We listened in amazement as they told us that essentially we are winning, and that they had successfully blocked and watered down many of the proposals put forward. "Your pressure in the streets makes a difference," they said. "Keep it up!"

Nonviolence training is the little piece I contribute, and I feel both proud and humble to be able to offerit.
 

Sir Joseph Rotblat (1908-2005) was one of the scientists recruited to work on the U.S. project to construct the atomic bomb during World War II. He left the project when it became clear to him that Nazi Germany would not succeed in developing their own atomic bomb. He subsequently became a tireless campaigner for the abolition of nuclear weapons, co-founding the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs in 1957. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1995. Daisaku Ikeda is president of the Soka Gakkai International and has spearheaded the organization's nuclear abolition and peace activities since the 1960s. This dialogue is taken from the book A Quest for Global Peace: Rotblat and Ikeda on War, Ethics and the Nuclear Threat (I.B. Tauris, 2007).

Ikeda: Professor Rotblat, you participated in the U.S. project for the development of nuclear weapons, the Manhattan Project, at first, but you resolutely quit the project. I would like to ask you, where were you on August 6, 1945, when Hiroshima was struck by the atomic bomb? Also, how did you find out about it?

Rotblat: At that time, I was living in Liverpool, England. I had already left the Manhattan Project and departed from the U.S. When it became clear that I could not be prevented from returning to England, I was presented with a condition that I must not contact any of my former colleagues who worked at the Los Alamos Laboratory [in New Mexico].

All letters were screened and recorded, so I did not send any letters to my former colleagues. I was afraid that it would put them in danger. As a result, after leaving Los Alamos in December 1944 and returning to Liverpool, I had no idea of what was happening there. This was the context in which I heard the news of the atomic blast. It was August 6, 1945. I heard about it on a BBC news broadcast.

Ikeda: How did you feel when you heard the news?

Rotblat: I was numbed by the shock because, at that time, I still had hope. It was a faint hope, but I had hope that the Americans would be unsuccessful at building the bomb. I thought that since the research had been conducted completely on the basis of theoretical calculations, perhaps at the actual bomb-making stage it might not work. I also harbored hope that even if they were successful at making a bomb, they would not use it, especially against civilian populations.

In other words, even if a bomb were successfully created, it would first of all have to be tested in a remote location such as an uninhabited island. And so I still hoped that the Americans would tell the Japanese, "Look! We have this super weapon," and then the war would be over.

But sadly, reality unfolded quite differently. Man's first atomic bomb was dropped on a civilian population.

Joseph Rotblat and Daisaku Ikeda meet in Okinawa, February 2000 [©Seikyo Shimbun]
Ikeda: The news of the dropping of the atomic bomb was broadcast through the public-address system at Los Alamos. [We are told that] at that moment, the entire Los Alamos Laboratory erupted in victorious jubilation. However, later that evening a gloomy mood enveloped the celebration party. After the elation and sense of accomplishment wore off, they were left with a sense of regret and foreboding.

Rotblat: I was completely overcome with hopelessness. It was an indescribable sense of shock from which it took a long time to recover. This is because I knew that the dropping of the bomb on Hiroshima was just the first step in an extended program of nuclear weapons development.

At that time, I knew that the hydrogen bomb existed, but it was highly classified. I knew that a weapon possessing a thousand times more destructive power would be developed next.

Ikeda: If I were to categorize human history into parts, I would draw the line between the pre-nuclear and post-nuclear periods. This is because, with the introduction of nuclear weapons, for the first time, the extinction of the human race became a conceivable reality. We must never lose sight of the fact, however, that human beings created nuclear weapons.

Urgent Efforts
Rotblat: I became obsessed with the need to discover a way to prevent human extinction. Let me illustrate how driven I was by this goal. When I look back now, I wonder how I ever came up with such a crazy idea. Thinking as a scientist, I looked for a way to halt research in nuclear physics. I wanted to do whatever it took to stop the development of the hydrogen bomb. I thought that this could happen if all the scientists agreed to temporarily halt their research. So I proceeded to contact scientists, primarily physicists at English universities, to convince them that something needed to be done to prevent the extermination of the human race.

Ikeda: What kind of response did you receive from the scientists?

Rotblat: Many of them did not realize the nature of the problem, and so there was not much reaction. Some of the physicists were sympathetic to my position, but others were completely opposed. I realized that it would be impossible to halt all research and, realistically speaking, all indications pointed to the inevitable progression of worldwide nuclear research.

Ikeda: Professor Rotblat, I empathize completely with your sense of urgency and concern. In any case, you were moved to action. A person's worth must be determined, not by thoughts, but by actions. Many of the people involved in nuclear weapons research at Los Alamos were very emotionally conflicted about their role. And after the atomic blast, some people were filled with regret. But Professor Rotblat, you were the only one who acted upon your convictions and quit the Manhattan Project before the bomb was dropped.

Betrayed by the Bomb
Rotblat: Personally speaking, the atomic bomb did not only fill me with dread, it made me wonder about the survival of the human race. It also made me determined to devote the rest of my life to making sure that nuclear weapons would never again be used.

To begin with, in 1946 I established the Atomic Scientists' Association in England in order to organize scientists to fight against any effort to use nuclear weapons. Next, I felt impelled to share the reality of nuclear weapons with the public at large, because the average person had no idea about the dangers and threat of nuclear arms.

I poured much of my energy into exhibitions that explained the beneficial uses of nuclear energy as well as its abuse in destructive military campaigns.

I helped sponsor a mobile exhibition that was carried in a train of two carriages. We called it the Atom Train. This was our first attempt to convey information and educate the public. This train exhibition traveled through the British Isles and then throughout Europe, and even went as far as the Middle East.

The participants in the first Pugwash conference, 1957; Joseph Rotblat, seventh from the right [Pugwash Conference on Science and World Affairs]
Ikeda: What an amazing venture!

Rotblat: I felt that I was betrayed by the atomic bomb. I consider myself a scientist who strives for the benefit of humankind, not for its destruction. I felt that if my scientific research was going to be used, I would want to decide how it could be used and to see with my own eyes it being used in beneficial ways. Nuclear physics was being used in numerous ways in the field of medicine, so I decided to abandon my ambitions in the field of nuclear physics and specialize in the medical application of physics.

Ikeda: You have visited both Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Did you experience a shift in your perceptions after visiting Hiroshima?

Rotblat: Absolutely. After seeing with my own eyes the devastation wreaked upon Hiroshima, I was able to convey more clearly to others the magnitude of misery inflicted by nuclear weapons.

When I viewed the photographs in the Peace Memorial Museum, I could barely contain my tears. Ever since, I have been urging the museum to establish permanent exhibits in many other places outside Hiroshima. Every town and city should have an atomic bomb exhibit to remind people constantly of the horrors of the atomic bomb.

Ikeda: At this point, what lessons do you think humanity should learn from Hiroshima and Nagasaki?

Rotblat: I have a rather broad view of their potential contribution that includes but also goes beyond the effort to abolish nuclear weapons. In other words, I believe that we must strive to create a world without war itself. I have set myself two goals in my life--one short-term and one long-term. My short-term goal is to abolish nuclear weapons, and the long-term goal is to eliminate war entirely. I do not believe that I will live to see either of my objectives achieved within my lifetime, but I believe that ultimately they will be realized.

The Bigger Agenda
Ikeda: Our duty as citizens of the twenty-first century is to work toward a world without war. First of all, we have a responsibility to the past. We live with the knowledge that over one hundred million people have been sacrificed to war in the twentieth century. We have a responsibility to these people. Second, we must consider our responsibility in the present. In today's world, hundreds of millions of people live in abject poverty and are on the verge of starvation. War only aggravates those problems, and moreover, war gives rise to further wars. Humanity must interrupt this vicious circle.

Third, I would like to point out our responsibility to the future. In today's world, wars and the buildup of armaments are not only likely to lead to nuclear war but will surely threaten humanity with their massive power to devastate life systems and the environment on a global scale. If a nuclear war were triggered, humanity's continued existence would be in question.

Rotblat: What concerns me is the thought that nuclear weapons will not be the final weapon invented by scientists. With the advance of research, new types of weapons that inflict even greater massive destruction will be developed. Therefore, until humankind learns to coexist without resorting to war, we are not safe.

Ikeda: The development of nuclear weapons began initially in response to the threat from the Nazis. The reasoning then became "to contain the Soviet Union," and next, it shifted to a deterrent role that held the threat of "massive retaliation" and maintained an understanding of "mutual assured destruction" or MAD.

The ending of the Cold War provided a golden opportunity to end the nuclear age once and for all, but nuclear weapons were retained and now are being considered for use in conventional warfare. In other words, nuclear weapons do not continue to exist out of necessity. Rather, you could say that there are those who need to justify the existence of nuclear weapons by finding a convincing argument.

So, against this illogical backdrop is, as you often say, a persistent "culture of war" in which military might begets even more powerful military force.

Rotblat: Victory will never be achieved by opposing evil with the power of evil. It does not make sense to try to avoid war by using the threat of war. We must learn to resolve our conflicts without resorting to military means. We must not bring human civilization, a miraculous product of millions of years of evolution, to an untimely and tragic end.

Ikeda: When we look at the harsh reality of the international situation, some say that it will be impossible to abolish nuclear weapons. These people are committing the error of predicting the future based on the conditions of our present reality.

As you often mention, during the period before World War II, France and Germany were bitter enemies. Today, however, both countries form the nucleus of the European Union. Examples such as these abound throughout history. A major human weakness is assuming that the reality before our eyes will continue unchanged into the future. We must not forget that the success of the movement to abolish nuclear weapons will be determined by human will.
 

As we strive to envision the direction the UN should take in the 21st century, I believe there is much we can learn from the life and example of Dag Hammarskjold, the second Secretary-General of the organization. His achievements shine in the annals of UN history, and his moral force and integrity as the "conscience of the United Nations" command wide respect to this day.

Dag Hammarskjold was a statesman and economist born in Sweden just over a century ago. In the midst of the mounting tensions of the Cold War, Hammarskjold took the lead in expanding the UN's responsibilities beyond a passive role of merely responding to crises, to a more proactive role in the promotion of peace in the world.

His talents were particularly visible in his efforts to resolve the Suez Crisis, as well as conflicts in Lebanon, Laos and elsewhere. His active pursuit of "quiet diplomacy," as he personally led missions to different regions in order to mediate conflicts, remains as his enduring legacy.

There were voices critical of this style of proactive diplomacy on the part of the UN and its Secretary-General. Hammarskjöld's actions were denounced, for example, by Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, who demanded his resignation. Hammarskjöld refused to succumb to this pressure and continued to promote UN leadership for the resolution of international crises.

Hammarskjold expressed his unwavering resolve in his book Markings published after his death: "'The Uncarved Block'--remain at the Center, which is yours and that of all humanity. For those goals which it gives to your life, do the utmost which, at each moment, is possible for you. Also, act without thinking of the consequences, or seeking anything for yourself."

Driven by a sense of moral, even religious, mission, he continued to strive until the last moment of his life to empower the UN to respond to the world's expectations.

In September 1961, en route to a meeting with President Moise Tshombe of Katanga in an effort to resolve the Congo Crisis, Hammarskjöld's plane crashed in Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia), causing his death. He was 56. For his outstanding achievements, Hammarskjold was posthumously awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for 1961.

At the time of his death, Hammarskjold was engaged not only in attempting to resolve the conflict in the Congo, but in another important task. Hammarskjold had profound respect for the "philosopher of dialogue," Martin Buber (1878-1965), and was planning to translate his classic work I and Thou into Swedish.

Their friendship began in 1952, a year before Hammarskjold became Secretary-General. As their exchanges and mutual respect deepened, a strong desire arose in Hammarskjold to translate Buber's works. When he shared that wish with the philosopher, Buber suggested he translate I and Thou. This exchange took place just a few weeks before Hammarskjold's fatal mission to the Congo.

Hammarskjold immediately contacted a publisher in Sweden and wrote a letter to Buber telling him agreement had been obtained. As he left New York for the Congo, he had with him the German-language edition of I and Thou personally given to him by the author. He found the time amidst his demanding schedule, in flight and during his short stay in Leopoldville (now Kinshasa), to work on the translation of Buber's book. Later, after the plane crash, the first 12 pages of the Secretary-General's manuscript translation were found among his personal effects.

Buber received Hammarskjold's final letter just one hour after he heard the news of the plane crash on the radio. Buber deeply lamented the death of this man of passion and goodwill who had given everything, including his life, for his mission.

Heart-to-Heart

Hammarskjold shared a deep conviction with Buber, which he fervently wished to convey through the translation of Buber's work. This was the firm belief that no matter how dire and challenging the situation may be, humans must engage in sincere dialogue with others; that through this kind of genuine and sincere dialogue it is always possible to bridge the gaps of distrust that divide the world.

One well-known episode illustrates how Hammarskjold put this conviction into practice.

In 1955, in an attempt to secure the release of American prisoners of war captured during the Korean War, Hammarskjöld flew to China--then without a seat at the UN--and tried to meet with Premier Zhou Enlai.

People around him strongly advised him against the visit. Face-to-face with Zhou, without an official entourage and unable to use his own interpreter, Hammarskjöld stated the following during one of their private sessions:

". . .[I]t does not mean that I appeal to you or that I ask you for their release. It means that-inspired also by my faith in your wisdom and in your wish to promote peace--I have considered it my duty as forcefully as I can, and with deep conviction, to draw attention to the vital importance of their fate to the cause of peace. . . . Their fate may well decide the direction in which we will all be moving in the near future--towards peace, or away from peace. . . . [A]gainst all odds, [this case] has brought me around the world in order to put before you, in great frankness and trusting that we see eye to eye on the desperate need to avoid adding to existing frictions, my deep concern both as Secretary-General and as a man."

I recall my own encounter with Premier Zhou Enlai in December 1974, a year before his death. Several years earlier, in September 1968, at a time when there were no official diplomatic relations between China and Japan as no formal peace had been concluded between them, I had called for the normalization of relations and urged that China be represented in the UN. Zhou Enlai was aware of my efforts, and despite ill health, insisted on meeting with me at his hospital in Beijing. With intense passion, Premier Zhou shared his thoughts with me. "In this critical period in the history of the world, all nations must stand as equals and help each other." He expressed his strong desire for enduring friendship between China and Japan.

Based on this personal experience, I can easily imagine the kind of intent dialogue, the earnest soul-to-soul exchange, that unfolded between Zhou and Hammarskjöld. The meeting created a bond of trust between the two men which later led to the release of the 11 American airmen.

Whether it be intergovernmental relations or relations between the UN and member states, the most essential element is always encounter and dialogue between individual human beings.

No matter how impossible a deadlock may seem, a breakthrough can always be found if we meet face-to-face and engage in genuine dialogue: I believe this was the conviction that motivated Hammarskjöld throughout his extensive travels as Secretary-General, meeting with and mediating between the parties to conflicts.

Hammarskjöld's passionate and relentless efforts to advance the peace process in the world embody the principles that should guide the UN in fulfilling its mission to build a new human civilization imbued with the spirit of dialogue. His legacy is one that must be passed on to the people of the 21st century.

Chile is a narrow country that stretches for 4,300 km from north to south, and is an average of 180 km from its eastern to its western border. This unique geography and the diversified climate and culture encompassed between its northern and southern extremes make Chile a distinctive country.

Chileans are proud of their cultural heritage, having given the world two of its great Nobel Prize-winning poets, Gabriela Mistral and Pablo Neruda. Furthermore, in this age of women's empowerment, Chile was, in March 2006, the first South American country to elect a female president.

The first SGI district was formed in March 1974, one year after the country's military coup. It was during the 14 years of this brutal military regime that our organization was forged. For most of this time, we could not freely hold meetings and, under martial law and regulation of the Ministry of Defense, could gather only at the house of our general director. In 1981, however, we opened a center where, although still under various restrictions, members of SGI-Chile began promoting an understanding of the SGI movement in our society.

Peace Through Culture

In 1990, the people's power movement restored democracy in Chile. Three years later, in 1993, SGI President Ikeda paid his first visit to Chile and met with then President Patricio Aylwin, a key figure in the transformation from military rule. During his visit, President Ikeda was presented with an honorary citizenship of Santiago, Chile's capital.

In the new climate of freedom, SGI-Chile was able to promote its activities more openly. Even though we are a small organization, with just 900 members, people in Chile are often attracted to the SGI because they see that our members are bright, vibrant and energetic. They are also impressed that our members believe that they themselves are responsible for their own happiness and have the power to open up and develop their lives.

Cultural activities have been an important means for our organization to reach out to the broader public and communicate our ideals. In 1994 we held the "Dialogue with Nature" photographic exhibition, which attracted some 20,000 guests, and in May 1996 the "SGI-Chile Culture Festival" was held, in which youth members took the lead in staging dance, group gymnastics, music and chorus performances. The famous contemporary Chilean poet, Ra√∫l Zurita, offered a poignant and memorable reading of one of his poems.

The following year, the Tokyo Fuji Art Museum, founded by SGI President Ikeda, collaborated with the National Museum of Chile to present the "Eternal Treasures of Japan" exhibition in Chile. This exhibition, which was a considerable success, was a part of an event commemorating the 100th anniversary of relations between Chile and Japan. Subsequent public exhibitions include "Dialogue of Humanism: A Network of Hope" held at the University of Santiago in 1999, and the "World Boys and Girls Art Exhibition" in 2000, which was viewed by over 30,000 people.

On a smaller scale, we have also held cultural evenings in the garden of our center, at which guests have enjoyed musical and choral performances.

On their own initiative, the young members of SGI-Chile's New Century Band have been using their skills as a means of encouraging other young people, arranging performances at orphanages and hospitals.

Promoting Nonviolence

Our most recent large-scale activity has been the hosting of the "Gandhi, King, Ikeda: A Legacy of Building Peace" exhibition commissioned by the MLK International Chapel of Morehouse College, the alma mater of Martin Luther King, Jr. The topic of nonviolence promoted by the exhibition holds particular significance in light of Chile's modern history, and after the exhibition's initial opening at the National Library in Santiago in 2005, we quickly received requests from several people to hold this exhibit in other venues. As a result, in March 2006, it was held first at Santiago's Central University, and then at the University of the Pacific, where former President Aylwin attended the opening ceremony.

The exhibition was also held at the City Hall of Rancagua city, south of Santiago, and in July, it was hosted by the University of Talca where, as a result of interest by local schools, the exhibition dates were extended considerably.

Currently, violence and drug abuse are problems of increasing concern in Chile, affecting both youth and adults who should be providing a role model for children. It is in light of such social problems and suffering, however, that the existence of the SGI becomes most significant. This is the conviction and responsibility that guide the practice and activities of the members of SGI-Chile.

On February 26, SGI-Canada representatives led a "Victory Over Violence" (VOV) workshop at a teachers' conference held in Winnipeg. They also brought the VOV exhibition to the event. The Associated Schools Project Network (ASPnet), linked to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), organized the conference. Some 80 principals, teachers and national and provincial government representatives attended. Participants reported that the workshop enabled them to better understand the effects of passive violence, and many expressed interest in bringing the VOV exhibition to their local schools.

On April 2, the Hon. Douglas Roche, O.C., delivered the inaugural lecture of SGI-Canada's Distinguished Speakers Series at the SGI-Canada Toronto Culture Centre. Mr. Roche, a Canadian parliamentarian and diplomat, spoke about the importance of shifting from a culture of war to a culture of peace and of "believing that we can make a difference," basing his remarks on two of his recent books, The Human Right to Peace and Global Conscience.

Mr. Roche served as the Canadian Ambassador for Disarmament and as chair of the United Nations Disarmament Committee. From 1998 to 2008, he headed the Middle Powers Initiative, an international network of eight nongovernmental organizations specializing in nuclear disarmament issues.

Italian food writer Carlo Petrini's efforts to encourage people to rethink our relationship with food have inspired a global popular movement that is redefining the relationship between what we eat, the people who grow it, the systems that distribute it and the Earth that produces it. A key activity of this Slow Food movement is the Terra Madre (Mother Earth) gatherings that bring together thousands of food producers from around the world to discuss problems and find possible solutions. Petrini has also founded the University of Gastronomic Sciences in Pollenzo and Colorno, Italy, that offers an interdisciplinary approach to food studies.

SGI Quarterly: How has our attitude to food and eating changed since the time of our grandparents, and what effects has this had?

Carlo Petrini: In recent decades we have witnessed a gradual impoverishment of the senses--our ability to feel, taste and smell. The increasing speed of our lives deprives us of the ability to experience the genuine diversity and authenticity in the world around us. Humankind has lost touch with the land, with time, traditions, knowledge, culture and cuisine. The moments of encounter rooted in the ancient rituals of daily life and the cycle of the seasons are no longer part of our experience. The uniform flavor of industrial foods, which are the same all over the world, has impoverished our ability to recognize food.

SGIQ: What is good quality food, and why should such quality be important?

CP: According to the UN Millennium Ecosystem Assessment published in 2005, food production and transportation is now the main cause of the pollution and gradual destruction of our planet. This should make us reflect. If it is true, as Wendell Berry says, that eating is also an "agricultural act," then good quality foods that are produced in ways that respect the natural environment and local traditions can encourage biodiversity, equity and sustainability.

If you are concerned about the fate of the planet, the definition of good food goes beyond gourmet considerations; it must be eco-gastronomic, that is, we must be aware of the potential impact of our choices. For eco-gastronomes, quality is defined by three adjectives: good, clean and fair. Good refers to the pleasure derived from the qualities of the food, but also the complex realm of feelings, memories and sense of identity that arise from our emotional associations with food. Clean products are those that do not stress the land, that are produced with respect for the natural environment. Fair means it conforms to the concepts of social justice with regard to its production and marketing.

Beyond Consumption

SGIQ: What are the aims of the Slow Food movement, and what is it in practice?

CP: There is a lot that needs to be done to spread a conscious perception of food. We begin by focusing on taste: promoting school gardens, taste workshops, theater, our Master of Food courses and other initiatives that help retrain and revive the senses, especially among the younger generation.

Food is not only food but also pleasure, culture and conviviality--the mediator of values and attitudes, a vehicle for realization and a catalyst of our emotions. With this awareness we become coproducers, rather than merely consumers. The "consumer" has to feel part of the production process, with an awareness of the influence of their preferences, either supporting degradation or rejecting injustice and unsustainability.

This doesn't mean that we must all go back to living in the countryside or produce our own food, but our connection to Earth--the severed umbilical cord--can be restored through a search for information, through producers communicating their processes, through large retailers rethinking their systems and supporting local production. It can be restored by our desire to return to being coproducers, by creating new "food communities" in which the gastronome is simply the final link in a whole functional chain.

SGIQ: Choosing conscientiously produced food might simply be considered a luxury that many can't afford. What is the movement's relevance in developing countries?

CP: In Italy after World War II until the early '70s, most of the family budget was allocated to food purchases. In Europe today statistics show much lower figures of between 16 and 17 percent. The importance of food has declined in relation to other products. In the global South and developing countries the figures are much higher, but entire nations are losing their food sovereignty, the direct relationship between production and consumption at the local level.

Our Terra Madre network brings together farmers and fishermen, artisans and agri-food producers, chefs and academics. This is the positive face of globalization. It gives a voice to those who do not approve of inhumane models of production and of attaching market values to the living world. It is precisely from the global South--from those at daily risk of being crushed by overwhelming market dynamics--that the cry for solidarity arises.

SGIQ: How do you see the future relationship between local food producers and the international trade networks?

CP: Terra Madre was born out of the need to embrace a new concept of the economy, beginning with agriculture, which is at the center of local communities, to the food of the local community, its culture and the local region. We're seeing now the enormous limitations of the market economy.

The Terra Madre food communities establish a "short chain," or at least a chain based on mutual understanding between those involved. A simple example is the farmers' markets that are found globally. We are not talking about closed economies, or about not being able to enjoy products and dishes we love. The term "local" should be understood as an economic system that is well integrated with the region; not a forced expression of the law of supply and demand but a recognition of the historical heritage of a community. The dignity of the local economy is the only thing that will allow us to realize what is becoming an oxymoron: sustainable development.

Preserving Knowledge

SGIQ: In our rapidly changing world, what do you see as the value of traditional knowledge and wisdom?

CP: Food is tied up with the traditional culture of peasant communities, not only in the culinary sense, but also with its crafts, poetry, music and local history. The disappearance of traditional knowledge, already experienced in communities in the West, is now occurring in the rural societies of the poorest countries. Dignity and value have been discarded in the name of scientific progress to make room for a "modernity" that knows only about the culture of the market. This is why at Terra Madre in Turin we started a "dialogue between different fields of knowledge," bringing representatives of the scientific and academic world into dialogue with representatives of food communities.

In addition, in the 2008 meeting of the food communities, we launched a new initiative, Sounds of Terra Madre, in which 49 nonprofessional music groups from 30 countries shared the culture of their traditional feasts and celebrations. We plan to do a similar thing in coming years with languages that are at risk of dying out.

SGIQ: Why do you believe the Slow Food movement has grown so quickly?

CP: Humanity has almost reached a point of no return. Our way of life, the speed with which we "consume" each moment of our existence, is beginning to pose serious questions. Many feel the need to reappropriate their time, to go deeper, to recover their roots. In developing countries, there is a need to preserve culture, cultivation techniques and recipes.

In helping to build the Terra Madre network, what has impressed me most has been the incredible humanity expressed by these farmers, fishermen, gatherers of wild fruit and artisans from around the world. Their stories, their daily struggles, are the true expression of the farming community and a sign of hope. It is a heritage that the world cannot afford to lose.

Internationally, disabled women belong to the most marginalized group. There are more than 250 million disabled women in the world today, approximately three quarters of whom live in developing countries. Yet international development programs rarely address the needs of disabled women or include them in development ventures.

Of course, disabled men and women have issues in common which affect them equally. But there are many issues which affect and discriminate against disabled women specifically. These include sexuality, motherhood, bioethics, violence, sexual violence, education and professional training, jobs, health care and personal assistance.

In the developing world, disabled girls are often excluded from even basic education, because of a general perception that education is more necessary for boys. Disabled women are thus forced into economic dependency. Even in the industrialized countries, it is difficult for disabled girls to get training in as many professions as nondisabled girls. Marriage opportunities for disabled girls may be lower than for nondisabled girls, which means that education and training are even more important for them. Disabled women, however, are even more discriminated against than disabled men when it comes to employment.

Violence against women is most prevalent among disabled women. Disturbingly, statistics tell us that disabled girls and women are more likely to be sexually abused than nondisabled girls and women. Political pressure is needed to establish social support mechanisms and facilities for disabled women.

Many disabled women are prevented or discouraged from having children out of fears that their children might also be disabled. A woman should have the right to choose whether she wants to have a baby or not, and all children should be welcomed into the world and provided with appropriate levels of social, practical and financial support.

In order to bring about change, disabled women have to talk about their special issues and demand political change. Disabled women need to be included and specifically mentioned in all relevant laws and regulations.

Every disabled girl and woman (as well as boys and men) must get the support they need so that they are able to participate in all human activities: parenting, sexual activities, education, employment, leisure, culture and politics.

People with disabilities have the right to participate in the life of the community, to live a decent life. And disabled women themselves have to define what a decent life means for them--not politicians or anybody else.

Dinah Radtke is chair of the Women’s Committee and Deputy Chairperson on Human Rights for Disabled Peoples International.

Martin Luther King Jr.

Nonviolence is a way of life for courageous people
Nonviolence seeks to win friendship and understanding
Nonviolence seeks to defeat injustice, not people
Nonviolence holds that suffering can educate and transform
Nonviolence chooses love instead of hate
Nonviolence believes that the universe is on the side of justice
"We aren't going to march with any Molotov cocktails. That isn't our movement. We aren't going to march with any weapons. That isn't our movement. We aren't going to march with bricks and bottles. We are going to march with something much more powerful than all of that. We are going to march with the force of our souls, mobilized bodies in concern for justice. Somehow we are going to step out. We are going to take the ammunition of determination, we are going to move out with the weapons of courage, we are going to pull the breastplate of righteousness and the whole armor of God and we are going to march."

"Democracy can only be saved through non-violence, because democracy, so long as it is sustained by violence, cannot provide for or protect the weak. My notion of democracy is that under it the weakest should have the same opportunity as the strongest. This can never happen except through non-violence . . . Non-violence cannot be preached. It has to be practised."

Zoughbi Elias Zoughbi

"Nonviolence is not passiveness, weakness or surrender. It is an empowerment and an ongoing struggle requiring inner strength and perseverance.

"We are looking for a new spirituality, one which deals with the etiology of hate and finds a suitable remedy for it: a spirituality of transformation on the personal level, community level and cross-cultural level. Such spirituality satisfies the needs of all concerned. Arms of Dialogue should replace Dialogue of Arms. This kind of spirituality requires us to shift from blame, guilt and victimhood to collective responsibility."

--Zoughbi Zoughbi is founder and director of the Wi'am Palestinian Conflict Resolution Center.

Dr. Arun Gandhi

"Nonviolence is a philosophy that appeals to the goodness in human nature. It fosters in the individual a love and respect for all of God's creation; an understanding of the nature of life; an acceptance of the physical and ideological differences that exist between people; and an appreciation of the need to let compassion be the cornerstone of one's life."

--Dr. Arun Gandhi is founder and president of the M.K. Gandhi Institute and grandson of Mohandas K. Gandhi

Dr. Kamla Chowdhry

"The practice of nonviolence calls forth the greatest of courage. Gandhi often said you cannot practice ahimsa (nonviolence) unless you are moral and spiritual, and you cannot be moral unless you are fearless, and you cannot be fearless unless you have experienced being a zero.

"To change the world, to move toward peace and nonviolence, we must listen to Gandhi: 'things of fundamental importance to the people are not secured by reason alone but have to be purchased with suffering . . . the appeal of reason is more to the head, but the penetration of the heart comes from suffering.' Writing about nonviolence, he said, 'Just as one must learn the art of killing in the training for violence, so one must learn the art of dying in the training for nonviolence.'

"Gandhi's view of progress was defined in terms of nonviolence, compassion and respect for life. He also pointed out that we have enough for our needs but not for our greed.

"In his footsteps have walked many, in all corners of the world, fighting for peace, justice and development with ahimsa, and with nonviolence."

- Dr. Kamla Chowdhry is a Gandhian disciple and co-chair of the Earth Charter Commission

Football isn't a matter of life and death--it's much more important than that." (Bill Shankly, former manager of Liverpool Football Club)

Around the world billions follow it on television, and hundreds of thousands regularly make the pilgrimage to watch it in person.

Some clergymen in the U.K. have begun to fret that football is taking over as the nation's principal religion. They point out troubling similarities. Football, like religion, involves an elaborate set of rules and rituals. Like religion, it brings the community together in a regular act of worship, feeding a need for something greater than people can find in their daily lives. And like some religions it can be supported for long periods by little more than blind faith.

But why is football so popular around the globe--to the despair of all those who felt the World Cup would never end? And does it really threaten to become the new religion?

A clue can be found in the word itself, which is commonly thought to derive from the Latin "religare," meaning "to bind." Religion is what binds people both to some transcendent truth and, crucially, to each other. The historian Arnold Toynbee went so far as to argue that civilizations rise and fall according to the ability of their dominant religions to motivate people to overcome--together--the challenges that confront them.

Football certainly has this power "to bind." Teams are always a focal point for a community loyalty--whether they're stuffed with foreign stars or staffed by part-timers. Witness how "cup fever" grabs a small town when its team draws a top side in a knock-out competition, or how "the nation" rallies behind its team in international championships. There are few social phenomena that share this power, which these days is dramatically magnified by television.

Of course, football can also divide people. The most famous example is the so-called Football War between El Salvador and Honduras--a five-day war in July 1969 that is supposed to have started after a dispute over a World Cup qualifying match between the two countries. (In reality, it arose because of Honduran objections to El Salvadoran migrants.) More locally, hooliganism between rival fans is still with us, and racism and sectarianism are rife in some clubs.

But the central point holds. Football's power to bind has not gone unnoticed by those whose business it is to build peace, and there are many "Football for Peace" initiatives around the world. During a recent visit to FIFA headquarters, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan remarked: "I can't think of anything that can bring people together like football. I've seen countries torn apart by war put their differences to one side to watch a match. For 90 minutes at a time, people become one nation." In fact the sport was actually nominated for the 2001 Nobel Peace Prize by a Swedish politician.

Football "binds" not just because it's an entertaining and accessible game, but because of something in people themselves--a deep desire to act together in a common cause; to share in large, emotional events; to experience together the dramatic ups and downs of life that can be represented by a sporting contest. It is the same desire, I believe, that draws people to concerts and plays and--yes--to certain religions.

As a football fan and a practicing Buddhist, I see many Buddhist principles at work in the game. "Many in body, one in mind"--a team of different individuals, with varied skills and roles (many bodies), all working in unity toward a single end (one mind). The power of "ichinen"--of focusing one's whole intent and determination on achieving a desired result. And the vital need for the oneness of mentor and disciple--manager and team--in forging this unity and determination. Perhaps Bill Shankly's famous remark isn't so far from the truth after all.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), proclaimed in Paris on December 10, 1948, represented a unifying foundation for humanity. It was the first occasion on which the community of nations, organized under the newly formed United Nations organization (UN), agreed on the "inalienable rights of all members of the human family" and codified them in the Declaration as "a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations."

At that time, the UN was composed of 58 states with different philosophical, cultural and political traditions. The Declaration therefore was a reflection of these various perspectives; it represented the meeting point of different conceptions of human beings and society. The UDHR developed the human rights provisions included in the 1945 United Nations Charter, which resolved in its preamble "to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small."

Knowledge and Skills

After its proclamation, UDHR principles inspired the anticolonial struggle and were inserted in the constitutions of the newly independent countries. The UDHR also prompted the development of the vast body of international human rights law which exists today, including both legal instruments and mechanisms for human rights protection, and served as the basis and inspiration for all regional human rights systems.

When proclaiming the Declaration, the UN General Assembly affirmed in the preamble: "every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms."

Human rights education is vital to building a universal culture of human rights. In order to contribute to this goal, education needs to address not only knowledge of human rights standards and the mechanisms for their protection, but also the skills necessary for people to apply human rights principles in daily life; it must develop values and reinforce attitudes which uphold them, so as to prompt action to defend and promote human rights. Human rights education is therefore an action-oriented process.

Today, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) contributes to global human rights education by facilitating information-sharing and networking among all those involved in human rights education globally, through, for instance, a web-based Database on Human Rights Education and Training, accessible through OHCHR's website, and a special Resource Collection on Human Rights Education and Training in the OHCHR Library; and by developing and disseminating selected materials. To support UN system-wide coordination, OHCHR bolsters the Secretariat of the United Nations Inter-Agency Coordinating Committee on Human Rights Education in the School System; it also assists UN member states and others with technical cooperation and expert advice, as well as grassroots initiatives through the Assisting Communities Together (ACT) Project, a joint initiative with the United Nations Development Programme providing small grants to national and local nongovernmental organizations.

In recent years human rights education has become more and more present on the international agenda, and programs as well as partnerships among various national and international actors have increased; however, there are still challenges ahead. One of these is a lack of political will to undertake comprehensive and sustainable programming; another is a lack of national and international monitoring and evaluation systems for human rights education. There is a need for further collaboration between governmental and nongovernmental actors, and the need to develop appropriate methodologies, including research on impact. Major contextual problems facing human rights education include poverty, political instability, illiteracy and cultural traditions in contrast with human rights standards.

Brad Adams has been executive director of Human Rights Watch's Asia Division since 2002. Previously he worked as the senior lawyer for the Cambodia field office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and legal adviser to the Cambodian parliament's human rights committee.

SGI Quarterly: How would you explain human rights to someone who's never heard of them?

Brad Adams: It's as simple as saying, "You can't do certain things to me without violating a law, and you can't tell me what to think." The history of the world has been full of feudalism and dictatorship with powerful people telling powerless people what they can and can't do. The concepts of human rights are a way of saying that there are limits on this.

SGIQ: Do you think human beings have an innate sense of human rights that is universal?

BA: Yes. I have no doubt about that. Unfortunately temptations like power and money lead people to argue that only some people have rights, or that groups are more important than individuals, which is something we only hear from the powerful, not the weak and poor. People used to talk about "Asian values" being in opposition to human rights principles, but what Asian wants to be tortured by some police officer or soldier? Nobody thinks that's acceptable. What Asian wants to have their land taken away by some rich guy with a gun? These things really are universal.

I'm not trying to say that everybody grows up in the same environment and culture, but I am saying that many basic things are the same everywhere. I think that really there is no debate now about what basic rights are. The challenges for human rights now are largely about holding the people in power accountable, and this is where human rights and politics overlap. In the long run real improvement on rights does require political change or political development.

SGIQ: Do you think in order to push for political change there has to be an educated public that is demanding that change?

BA: Sometimes change comes from the bottom up, such as the ousting of President Marcos in the Philippines in 1986 or the ending of the monarchy in Nepal this year. Sometimes change comes from the top down. If you look at Europe and the abolition of the death penalty, actually the political elite made the change. It's not always driven by the public, but it's much better if the public is on board and educated and believing in it, otherwise you can have a new government come in and just reverse things.

I think human rights education is at its best in civics lessons in primary and secondary education. Educating adults--with all the problems they are facing in their daily lives--about human rights is complicated. Take the death penalty. We're taught from day one in all cultures that killing is wrong. If that's your bedrock principle and you learn that when you are young, it would be very easy for you to get past all the other arguments in favor of state-sanctioned killing, which is what the death penalty is. But if you don't have that bedrock principle, then you can convince yourself that it is OK.

Films are one very good way of raising awareness, as by seeing what happened to someone else, people will say, "Now I see why it's important for the army to be under control, or for there to be international laws against torture." People are touched emotionally, and some of them may take action as a result. The media also has a big role to play.

SGIQ: Do you think the situation is improving globally?

BA: The trend is uneven, but in its historical scope it is very positive. Most countries are at least accepting that in principle they must be more rule-based. The Internet and media are putting everybody under much more scrutiny.

We've been doing a huge amount of work on the Olympics, and a lot of people who come to China for the first time in a long time are quite surprised. Even in a one-party state, the government has to spend a lot of time explaining to the people what they're doing and why they are doing it. And there is a huge amount of demand from the public in China for basic freedoms. People are constantly challenging the authorities. Of course, many still end up in prison or are beaten up by state security, so we have to be vigilant and demand an end to these practices, wherever they occur.

SGIQ: What motivated you to work in this field?

BA: I was initially a legal aid lawyer in California, trying to provide access to the justice system to poor people, homeless people, to get their basic economic rights, because at the time that seemed to be the most pressing human rights problem in the U.S. For me, it's about allowing everyone to pursue happiness. It's not about enforcing rights for their own sake. Rights are a means to a happy end. We're just trying to create the conditions for people to get what they can and want out of life and not be blocked by dictators or other powerful forces. This is one reason we focus so much on freedom of speech, since it is a necessary precondition for this. But if we're just trying to get these rights as some kind of legalistic thing, it doesn't necessarily improve people's lives.

I am a writer and editor by trade and a social justice activist by instinct. I am grateful that the profound power of my 21-year Buddhist practice has led me to the right place at the right time for best using my determination and my capacities to help create a fairer world.

I've been privileged to be part of two community-based, justice-seeking initiatives that started in Ottawa, Canada's capital, and grew to be important catalysts in fostering major systemic change at either the national or local level.

On July 3, 1986, I was one of 21 lesbians and gays gathered in a downtown home who had decided to form Equality for Gays and Lesbians Everywhere (EGALE) to seek sexual orientation protection in the Canadian Human Rights Act. That accomplished (it took 10 years), the nationwide group increased its equality-seeking advocacy work, expanded its mandate to include transgendered persons and changed its name to Egale Canada.

Responding to Violence

The murder in 1989 of a young man who was perceived by his murderers to be gay led to the gay and lesbian community organizing and demands for the Ottawa police to do crime prevention work with the targeted community. Dialogue led to the establishment of the Ottawa Police Liaison Committee for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgendered Communities which I worked with for many years, and action plans to work on community-identified problems. This has transformed community fear and mistrust (based on past harassment) into trust of progressive leadership based on a genuine willingness to work in partnership on hate crime, school bullying and other concerns.

Hate crimes do not occur in a vacuum. As a result, they are one of the easiest crimes to prevent--through education and strong community standards concerning prejudice. A hate-crime approach exposes the root cause (motivation) of an incident and challenges the community at large, including schools and the mainstream media, to work on solving the underlying problem of prejudice.

My Buddhist practice was invaluable in helping me to keep my cool and keep going whenever the progressive work was under attack from individuals either within or without the police service (including the media).

Now I am involved in a community group that is seeking an expanded mandate for the new Canadian War Museum, scheduled to open in downtown Ottawa in May 2005. We want the museum to add examples of efforts to resolve conflict without violence.

The heart-to-heart connections which are at the core of the nonpolitical, multi-faith Committee for an Expanded Mandate of the Canadian War Museum ignited spontaneously following a February 23, 2004, dialogue on "An Inclusive Vision of Peace" attended by about 100 people.

Our year-old, volunteer initiative now has cross-Canada support and an advisory board. Our dialogue-based process itself demonstrates the type of human interaction necessary to foster genuine peace. Immediate next steps include a website (which will make it easier to tap into the country's strong peace pulse); a workshop on creating disarmament and other exhibit proposals for the temporary exhibit area in the museum; and a public meeting.

In all of this work, I am mindful of another grassroots-led project that produced the inspirational Canadian Tribute to Human Rights in Ottawa which was unveiled in 1990. (I was a community relations worker with the project.) Architect Melvin Charney designed the Tribute to be in dialogue with the nearby National War Memorial, both of which are on the same downtown Ottawa street. Figures that are bent over and struggling in the National War Memorial are upright in the Tribute, raised arms holding granite plaques proclaiming "Dignity," "Equality" and "Rights."

Which way will we go from here? The outcome rests with us.

Community initiatives that lead to shared problem solving, accountability and trust (as in the police service work) are crucial to achieving the dignity, equality and rights that define peace. Each achievement fosters hope, countering oft-prevailing feelings today of hopelessness and inertia.

The following is excerpted from the 2009 peace proposal, Toward Humanitarian Competition: A New Current in History by SGI President Daisaku Ikeda. Each year on January 26, the founding date of the Soka Gakkai International, Mr. Ikeda issues a proposal examining the current state of global affairs and proposing solutions grounded in a Buddhist perspective. The full text of this proposal can be read at www.daisakuikeda.org.

The impact of the "once-in-a-century" financial meltdown, which started with defaults in the subprime mortgage market in the United States, has now spread to engulf the whole world.Even as policy makers struggle to find effective responses, the current financial turmoil is undermining the real economy, bringing about a global recession. If we remember that the Great Depression only fully set in two years after the 1929 stock market crash, the gravity of the current situation becomes even more apparent.People have the right to live in peace and humane conditions, and to that end, they exert themselves assiduously day after day. It is unacceptable that the foundations of people's livelihoods should be disrupted and devastated by the effects of "tsunami" that they could not foresee and which originated in realms far beyond their control.

The processes of globalization, buoyed by deregulation and technological innovation, have encountered a fierce backlash in the form of globalized recession. It is now apparent that the faith in free competition and markets to resolve all problems was misplaced; nothing in the world is so neatly preordained.As an alternative paradigm to both unbridled competition and centralized control, I would like to explore certain ideas set out by the founding president of the Soka Gakkai, Tsunesaburo Makiguchi, in his 1903 work The Geography of Human Life. Specifically, I would like to explore the possibilities to be found in his idea of "humanitarian competition.

"In the closing chapters of this work, which was published when he was just 32, Makiguchi surveyed the grand flow of human history and identified the forms of competition--military, political and economic--that have prevailed in different periods, overlapping and intertwining as they undergo gradual transformation.Makiguchi concludes with a call for us to set our sights on the goal of engaging in humanitarian competition, a perspective he reached by tracing the inner logic of historical development.

Makiguchi describes humanitarian competition thus: "To achieve the goals that would otherwise be pursued by military or political force through the intangible power that naturally exerts a moral influence, in other words, to be respected rather than feared."I am reminded here of the idea of "soft power," defined by Joseph S. Nye Jr. of Harvard University as "the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion."Likewise, there are resonances between the concept of a "win-win world" put forward by the American futurist Hazel Henderson and the views Makiguchi expresses in the following passage: "What is important is to set aside egotistical motives, striving to protect and improve not only one's own life, but also the lives of others. One should do things for the sake of others, because by benefiting others, we benefit ourselves.

"I am fully convinced that the time has now arrived, 100 years after it was originally proposed, for us to turn our attention to humanitarian competition as a guiding principle for the new era.Free competition driven by the unrestrained impulses of selfishness can descend into the kind of social Darwinism in which the strong prey on the weak. But competition conducted within an appropriate framework of rules and conventions brings forth the energies of individuals and revitalizes society.

Herein lies the value of humanitarian competition. As a concept, it compels us to confront the reality of competition while ensuring that it is conducted firmly on the basis of humane values, thus bringing forth a synergistic reaction between humanitarian concerns and competitive energies. It is this that qualifies it to be a key paradigm for the 21st century.

The Soka Gakkai Youth Peace Conference (YPC) was launched in 1979 to serve as the axis for promoting a youth movement dedicated to building a peaceful society underpinned by the Buddhist philosophy of the sanctity of life. The Soka Gakkai youth division sees its peace activities essentially as an educational movement to awaken in individuals the spirit of global citizenship, a goal upheld by the Soka Gakkai ever since its founding.

Abolishing War
The Soka Gakkai was founded as an educational reform study group in 1930 by Tsunesaburo Makiguchi and Josei Toda, who became its first and second presidents. Both were educators. During World War II, Makiguchi and Toda were imprisoned for their opposition to the Japanese military government and its abuse of religion and education in support of its war of aggression in Asia. Makiguchi died in prison in 1944, but Toda, his closest follower, emerged from prison after the war to rebuild the Soka Gakkai as a lay Buddhist association. In 1957, in his "Declaration for the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons" delivered at a gathering of 50,000 youth, he called on young people to take responsibility for establishing the principle of respect for the dignity of human life as a basic social standard. This declaration, one of the last instructions of Mr. Toda, who passed away the following year, became the starting point of the Soka Gakkai youth division's peace movement.

In 1973, the youth members of the Soka Gakkai in Japan adopted the Youth Division Appeal for the Protection of the Right to Live. In this they confirmed their commitment to work toward lasting peace and the well-being of all people by persistently calling for the abolition of war, upholding environmental protection, and opposing all forms of oppression and violence. Today the Youth Peace Conference wages various campaigns based on the annual peace proposal issued by SGI President Ikeda. One of the basic directions that the proposal provides is support for UN initiatives. The goal of the YPC's activities in this regard is to raise public awareness around global issues also identified as key concerns of the UN. In this, the YPC adopts an educational approach.Public EducationPeace promotion initiatives include international exhibitions such as "Nuclear Arms: Threat to Our World," first presented in 1982 during a special session on disarmament at the UN Headquarters in New York in cooperation with the UN Department of Public Information and the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. It has toured 39 cities in 24 countries. To preserve a record of people's experiences of World War II, Soka Gakkai youth also compiled 80 volumes of more than 1,000 individual accounts. Many of these accounts have also been recorded on video. In 1975 and 1998, anti-nuclear-weapon petition drives collected 10 million and 13 million signatures which were presented to the UN Headquarters and the Abolition 2000 movement respectively.

Another focus of the Youth Peace Conference has been the promotion of human rights education in support of the UN Decade for Human Rights Education (1995-2004) and the World Programme for Human Rights Education that started at the beginning of 2005. Initiatives include exhibitions such as "Toward a Century of Humanity-Human Rights in Today's World," which has toured some 40 cities in eight countries, an antiapartheid exhibition and lectures and seminars on peace issues. The YPC has also created exhibitions promoting education for sustainable development and campaigns aimed at stopping bullying in Japanese schools.

Humanitarian Relief
The Youth Peace Conference has also been actively engaged in humanitarian activities, including refugee relief and postwar restoration assistance overseas. It has undertaken annual awareness-raising and fund-raising campaigns in support of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and, between 1973 and 2001, it conducted 21 such campaigns to facilitate provision of medical care, food, education and other services administered by UNHCR and related organizations. In 1993, the YPC coordinated the collection of 300,000 secondhand radios and donated them through the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) to the people of Cambodia to help them stay informed about that country's first-ever democratic election.SGI President Daisaku Ikeda has written: "The empowerment of the people, by the people, for the people, to inspire and enlighten the spirit of each individual, will be the fundamental force for truly changing the world.

"The purpose of our movement is to create a culture of peace; it is to plant a seed of peace in every person's heart and cultivate the spiritual soil in which peace can be built. Dialogue is the actual tool in this endeavor. It is our firm conviction that building a fortress of peace within the heart of each person through effective dialogue is the most unfailing path to peace.

Victory Over Violence (VOV) is a youth-driven initiative to help young people identify and counteract the root causes of violence in their lives and in their communities. Its aim is to help inspire positive change in the culture of schools and communities.

On October 26, 2005, Reporoa College became the first school in New Zealand to take part in the program. Students participated in workshops coordinated by a group of voluntary facilitators that were aimed at building respect, for themselves and others.

VOV is based on a personal pledge by participants to value their own life, to respect all life, and to inspire hope in others. Through simple exercises, the students were encouraged to think about new ways of communicating and responding to one another and to daily life situations of violence. They took part in discussions and listened to powerful experiences.

The VOV format was first established by the youth of SGI-USA in response to the Columbine High School shootings in Littleton, Colorado, in 1999. Although violence in schools in New Zealand is less extreme, there are various other forms of "passive violence," manifest in high rates of depression and suicide.

Through the VOV exercises, the students become more aware of passive violence, how it fuels physical violence, and ways they can take action to change this. Participants in VOV workshops have made comments such as: "I thought violence was just fighting and bullying; after VOV I know that people have a reason for why they do it," and "It has changed the way I deal with problems."

One 19-year-old young man wrote about how his participation in the program inspired him to contact the man who murdered his father during a petty robbery and who is now serving a prison sentence. "Since my involvement in VOV, I have learned many things about the cycles of violence, that anger is all-consuming. It is the most active of the negative energies. In particular, during the workshop, I was challenged by the students to understand the difficulties of forgiving people. They inspired me to write to the young man in prison. Violence is cyclic; we choose to break the cycle. You have to be tough, it takes more effort to respect people and forgive people, to find empathy for them, than it does to remain angry!"

SGI-NZ will continue to work with Reporoa College and aims to have VOV running in all 12 high schools in the Reporoa area by 2010. From that solid base VOV will be introduced in high schools across New Zealand.

The opening of Arctic waters creates enormous profit potential from shorter international trade routes and access to seabed oil, gas and marine resources. The Law of the Sea gives countries territorial jurisdiction within 200 nautical miles of their coast, but outside these zones nations are taking measures to ensure access, rights and, in some cases, sovereignty over portions of the seabed. Territorial claims and counterclaims will be a source of tension that could degenerate into open conflict.

Naval operations of both Russia and the United States, the two nuclear powers in the region, will increase when there are open waters, creating a potential for military confrontation, especially because both have nuclear-armed submarines. Nowhere else are the two major nuclear powers in such close proximity to each other. There is a potential for additional nuclearization of both sea and land.

Nuclear weapons in the region present a multifaceted danger to the Arctic lands and peoples, and preventive measures must be taken before it is too late. The creation of legal structures and procedures is already beginning to be discussed, and it is important that nuclear weapons issues are put on that agenda; otherwise the status quo will become ingrained. Existing agreements and the present status in the Arctic provide a hopeful start because:

• There is a seabed treaty in force that prevents stationing of nuclear weapons on the Arctic Ocean floor.
• Strategic bombers in Arctic airspace are much less significant now than during the Cold War.
• Negotiations could begin now on military confidence-building measures. Of note is the Antarctic Treaty, where each contracting party has the right to send observers to every base of any country in that region, thus producing a very powerful confidence-building measure for ensuring full compliance.
• It is hoped that strategic arms reduction talks between the U.S. and Russia will begin again.

There are, however, serious obstacles to a nuclear weapon-free Arctic. The United States and Russia both regularly deploy nuclear-capable submarines in Arctic waters. Russia's naval base at Zapadnaya Litsa maintains their most advanced ballistic missile submarines, and patrol areas are mainly in the Arctic. Thus, negotiations for an Arctic Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone (NWFZ) could only be attempted after complementary disarmament measures by the United States.

There is new mainstream support for abolition. Former high-level officials in the U.S., U.K., Italy, Germany and others have called for immediate comprehensive steps to reduce the nuclear danger, continuing to abolition of nuclear weapons. A conference at the Hoover Institute in the U.S. in October 2007 recommended a 500-warhead limit for both the U.S. and Russia. If such a reduction were to be achieved, it would be in the best interests of Russia to place its reliance on mobile land-based Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles. The result could be closure of nuclear submarine facilities in the Arctic, or alternatively, retention of nuclear-powered submarines not outfitted with nuclear arms. Either of these alternatives would clear the way for a NWFZ in the Russian Arctic.

The Russian Reality
A most important distinction between Russia and the other Arctic nations is that Russia has nearly 4 million people in the region, and many are not indigenous. The geopolitical reality, as seen from Russia, is that military security is inseparable from energy security. In preparation for greatly enhanced activity in the Arctic, billions of dollars have been or will be spent by both the East (Russia) and the West (U.S. and Canada) for icebreakers, Arctic patrol ships, oil platforms, army bases and similar equipment and infrastructure. At present, Russia appears better prepared than the West.

Over a 14-year period, five Central Asian states negotiated the Central Asia Nuclear Weapons Free Zone (CANWFZ), assisted by the UN. The 2006 Treaty of Semipalatinsk, which has not entered into force, involves former nuclear weapon states that have agreed to International Atomic Energy Agency site visits for inspection and verification. Only Russia and China, so far, are signatories to the protocol respecting the CANWFZ. The CANWFZ offers experience applicable to an Arctic NWFZ: negotiations require a significant period of time. Work should start now.

A Regional Treaty
A potentially productive approach would be for all nonnuclear Arctic states to work together on a regional treaty, as allowed for in Article VII of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, "to assure the total absence of nuclear weapons from their respective territories." Norway, Sweden and Finland, all with sovereign territory north of the Arctic Circle, are nuclear weapon-free. Greenland has a U.S. military base at Thule, but Denmark is a nonnuclear weapon state (NNWS). Canada is already a de facto nuclear-free country. The Northwest Passage, a shipping channel which passes many islands of the Canadian Arctic Archipelago, is a very unfavorable passageway for submarines because it is narrow and shallow, posing severe difficulty to both the maneuverability and undetectability of a submarine. This passage is very probably a de facto nuclear weapon-free zone. Regarding surface travel through the Northwest Passage, maritime safety in these dangerous waters would certainly dictate obtaining an international agreement to ban nuclear fissile materials.

Declaring only a portion of the Arctic regions and waters to be a NWFZ could be problematic. On the other hand, partial solutions, taken together, could be the right path.

For the reasons outlined above, it is a realistic hope that the two nuclear weapon states in the region will make significant reductions in their nuclear arms, creating the negotiating atmosphere that would allow them to turn their attention to an Arctic NWFZ.

The issue of a NWFZ is central to the Arctic security environment. Arctic peoples have a right to be secure from nuclear weapons stationed on their land or in their seas.

Declaring a partial NWFZ in Canada, in the Northwest Passage, would be difficult because it would focus attention on assertions by the U.S. and others that it is an international waterway, whereas the mutual benefit of both Canada and the U.S. would be to keep the status quo. In this reality, it would be easier for the Canadian government to designate the whole of Canada as a NWFZ.

Such a legislative act by Canada would show persuasive leadership, leading to a regional treaty between all the NNWS in the Arctic. The cumulative effect would model the process for the United States and Russia.

Once the NWFZ in Africa enters into force, as now expected, 110 countries, including the entire southern hemisphere, will be protected by NWFZs. Each NWFZ is unique, with different terms of agreement. This is a helpful precedent in that both the U.S. and Russia could, with the right political will, designate only their territories north of the Arctic Circle as nuclear weapon-free, without having to change other nuclear security strategies.

Comparison with the legal and political framework of the Antarctic is of interest, although the situation differs greatly. In 1991, the Madrid Protocol designated Antarctica as a natural reserve devoted to peace and science, and prohibited mining exploration activities indefinitely. Environmental protection, wisely seen to be necessary in the Antarctic, might serve as a useful starting point in the Arctic too.

The challenges of opening the Arctic are unprecedented. Providing an equitable governance regime calls for a high degree of international cooperation and a resolution of rivalries. An Arctic Treaty would reduce conflict and provide an opportunity to embed the expectation of a NWFZ. An Arctic NWFZ, introduced conceptually in the near future, could gradually gain support. It would be a significant step toward disarmament, and would build confidence toward a nuclear weapon-free world.

Dr. Adele Buckley is a physicist, engineer and environmental scientist. She is a member of the Pugwash Council, a cofounder and former vice president of MDS Sciex, and formerly vice president of technology & research at the Ontario Centre for Environmental Technology Advancement.

I believe the Culture of Peace transcends boundaries. It transcends differences in age, and it transcends differences in culture. It is the most universal thing that you can have.

I worked for a decade for the United Nations and as an Ambassador for Bangladesh, but this mention of the decade has a different significance for me. It was on 31 July 1997 that I wrote to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, at that time Kofi Annan, as the Bangladesh Ambassador, asking him to circulate my request for a separate agenda item on the Culture of Peace for the Plenary sessions of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). Since then, it has been nearly ten years, just fifteen days short. That very letter has mushroomed in a big way to this global movement for the Culture of Peace.

The subject matter under the euphemism “Towards a culture of peace” was debated for a number of years before it became a separate agenda item of the UNGA in 1997. The Secretary-General was asked to present a draft program of action, which, after long negotiations for nine months, was adopted in September 1999. Earlier in 1997, the UNGA adopted another resolution declaring the year 2000, the millennium year, as the International Year for the Culture of Peace. The next year, the United Nations adopted a very significant and promising resolution to declare the years 2001 to 2010 as the International Decade for the Culture of Peace and Non-violence for the Children of the World. I believe that during these last ten years, from July 1997 to this day, the international community has reached a point where we can surely call it a Global Movement for the Culture of Peace. For that, all of you deserve a big “thank you” as well!

Peace is integral to human existence ‚Äî in everything we do, in everything we say and in every thought we have, there is a place for peace. Absence of peace makes our challenges, our struggles, much more difficult. I believe that is why it is very important that we need to keep our focus on creating the Culture of Peace in our lives. 

• I will value my own life. Today, again, I will reach beyond my doubts, taking concrete steps to uncover my unlimited potential. Recognizing that a lack of self-identity and hope for the future are at the root of all violence, I will fight to realize my dreams, even if they seem impossible. 
• I will respect all life. Through understanding, tolerance and respect for diversity, I will see beyond superficial differences. I will awaken to a deeper sense of interconnectedness with those around me by reflecting on the common humanity I share with all people.
• I will actively pursue dialogue. With care and consideration for the dignity inherent in others, I will make continual efforts to reach out to people each day, especially those different from myself. Through genuine friendship, I will break through feelings of isolation and hopelessness that can lead to acts of violence.
• I will inspire hope in others. With courage, I will resolutely stand up against violence, be it passive or physical and teach others through my own example. I will support others and encourage them to follow their dreams.

• The relationship between passive violence and physical violence 
•  The value of dialogue
•  The need for each of us to stand up and take full responsibility for the violence in our environment.